“We stand with Filipinos in their pursuit of free, honest, and fair elections”

News Release
May 12, 2025

As polls open today in the Philippines, the International Observer Mission (IOM) expresses its collective hope for a peaceful election. With over 68 million registered voters expected to cast their ballots, we stand in solidarity with the Filipino people in their pursuit of free, honest, and fair elections. 

While we remain hopeful, we cannot overlook the serious concerns witnessed by our international observers in recent weeks. These are concerns that echo the patterns of past elections. Early reports point to an uptick in electoral violence, widespread vote buying, and the continued harassment of opposition candidates, community leaders, and journalists.

“As we continue to accompany the Filipino people, our observers are inspired, not only by the level of political participation in the country but also by the strong desire for genuine change. Filipinos deserve to vote free from fear, fraud, or force,” said IOM Commissioner Colleen Moore. “We call on the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) to remain vigilant in the critical hours ahead, especially in areas historically vulnerable to violence and fraud.”

Our first IOM documented grave human rights violations in the 2022 national elections, including political killings, abductions, red-tagging, intimidation, and systemic disinformation. These patterns of violence and impunity are often linked to entrenched political dynasties. Their private armed groups pose a serious threat to the integrity of democratic processes.

In 2025, as in previous elections, the IOM’s concern is that violence would occur. Data compiled by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project showed that in 79 percent of violent acts targeting local government members between 2018 and 2022, the perpetrators were never identified.

“The eyes of the international community are on the Philippines with our mission founded on solidarity,” Commissioner Moore affirms. “We believe in the power of the Filipino people to protect their vote. Our mission is here to bear witness and to help ensure that violations do not go unseen or unreported.” 

The IOM will release its report within two weeks after election day. It will contain data and evidence of our findings on electoral and human rights violations from the documentation by ground teams deployed in election hotspots across the country. 

The IOM will also provide relevant recommendations based on the findings of the mission, and will submit the report to the Commission on Elections, international human rights institutions, relevant United Nations bodies, civil society, and the media community. 

In these final hours, the Mission and its trained observers remain steadfast in their commitment to monitor, document, and report on-the-ground developments with independence and integrity. We stand in solidarity with the Filipino people in their aspiration for a peaceful election: one where the sanctity of the vote is upheld, and the rights of all citizens are protected, not only on this day, but also in their continuing pursuit of democracy.#

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ICHRP is conducting an International Observer Mission in 2025 to monitor for election-related and human rights violations. Learn more at https://www.ichrp.net/IOM2025

Report of the International Observer Mission (IOM) for the 2025 Philippine Elections

Read the full report in PDF form here

From April 21 to May 9 this year, the Balikatan exercises took place in the Philippines. As part of the annual exercises, about 9,000 US troops staged live firing exercises alongside 5,000 Filipino troops, a smaller contingent of Australian troops, and a Japanese Navy frigate in Mindanao, Palawan, Zambales and Batanes. The exercises largely overlapped with the 2025 Philippine Midterm Election campaign.

The US and Filipino commanders of Balikatan bluntly described the exercises as a “full battle test.” Participating militaries used the most advanced US anti-ship missile, anti-drone, and anti-aircraft systems, and carried out drills facing the West Philippine Sea and Taiwan. Balikatan is preparation for a US war with China, and was carried out across the domains of land, sea, air and cyberspace, involving all services and forces. US Marine Corps Forces Pacific Commander Lt. Gen. James Glynn said that Balikatan is a signature exercise in maintaining a “free and open Indo-Pacific”.

These war games have the explicit approval of Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s administration, which has positioned itself as a close ally of the Trump administration. However, anti-war and patriotic movements in the country have opposed these exercises. On April 21, the opening day of Balikatan, the national patriotic alliance Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) organised a protest at the US Embassy in Manila. On April 26, 2025, progressive groups gathered at Freedom Park in Davao City to oppose the Balikatan 2025 exercises and US military bases. 

While the exercises have severe local impacts, they are portrayed positively in mainstream and social media, conveying an inaccurate picture that the Philippines is facing a national emergency because of a threat of invasion by China. Voters are told that the presence of the US is necessary to defend their interests, which provides justification for choosing the candidates of President Marcos Jr’s Alliance for a New Philippines (APBP). Critics of Balikatan or advocates for a truly independent Philippine foreign policy are accused of being stooges for Beijing. This leads to a massive distortion of the election atmosphere.

On April 25, 2025, Senator Francis Tolentino alleged that the Chinese Embassy paid a local marketing firm 930,000 Php (US$16,800) to criticise the Balikatan exercises. National Security Council Assistant Director General Jonathan Malaya stated, “You will see narratives coming from Beijing that the Balikatan exercises are a threat to regional peace and stability, and you will also see that coming from local proxies.” Tolentino, Malaya and APBP are blind to the threat to Philippine sovereignty that results from the Balikatan exercises and presence of thousands of foreign troops in the country.

Liza Maza, a Makabayan senatorial candidate, said that the cost of food and low wages dominated the current election, but that the pressure from China in the West Philippine Sea is a significant secondary issue. Because of the sharp competition between the Marcos and Duterte families, the US will favor Marcos Jr. over the Dutertes. “The US-Marcos Jr. narrative is that China is out to invade the Philippines and so the Philippines should stay close to the US.”

“The Makabayan campaign asserts independence and national sovereignty. We need to stand on our own to secure our country because the US is trying to control the Asia-Pacific region and use the Philippines as a major military base. We support a diplomatic resolution of conflict in the West Philippine Sea, not the military solution favoured by the US.”

BAYAN spokesperson Mong Palatino said on May 6: “The probe on China’s espionage and interference activities should expose those who colluded with Beijing in negating the Philippine claim in the West Philippine Sea and manipulating public opinion during the election campaign.”

“But the probe should be widened to look into the more insidious legacy of US interference in the local elections and politics. Historically, it is the US which has the most brazen record in subverting our sovereignty and normalizing its intervention in Philippine politics.”

Professor Roland Simbulan, Chairperson of the Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG) called on Marcos Jr. to reject lopsided defense agreements with the United States and pursue a truly independent foreign policy that prioritizes national sovereignty and regional peace. “The Philippines must not allow itself to be a pawn in great power rivalries. CenPEG urges the Filipino people to critically examine the long-term consequences of foreign military entanglements on national security, sovereignty, and regional stability,” said Prof. Simbulan.

The concurrent staging of the Balikatan military exercises and the Philippine midterm election campaign raises serious concerns about the integrity of democratic processes under conditions of heightened militarization and foreign intervention. While Marcos-aligned candidates peddle the narrative that it is a strategic defense posture against regional threats, the presence of thousands of foreign troops, combined with live-fire drills and counterinsurgency operations, have tangible consequences for civic space, electoral discourse, and local livelihoods. 

The dominance of pro-military narratives in mainstream, government, and military channels, which often portray dissenting voices as hostile or China-aligned, is alarming. This manufactures consent for heightened militarization and foreign intervention, drowning out critical voices or those who call for an independent, truly Filipino foreign policy.

From the perspective of international election observation, the normalization of such exercises during a critical electoral period distorts the conditions necessary for a free, fair, and independent elections.

The Balikatan’s Impacts on Local Communities

3-day Fishing Ban in Zambales

The fisherfolk organisation, Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (Pamalakaya), condemned the 3-day no-sail zone policy which the US and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) imposed in Zambales early in the Balikatan program. With just 24 hours notice, fisherfolk in the towns of San Antonio, San Narciso, San Felipe, Cabangan, Botolan, and Subic were prohibited from going out to sea from April 25 to April 27. Rough weather after April 27 meant more days without income. Ronnel Arambulo, Pamalakaya Vice-Chair, said that April to June is peak fishing season for Zambales fisherfolk. “This is when the sea is most generous. Halting fishing now is a direct blow to our communities.”

US troops join AFP counterinsurgency operations outside Balikatan

In the first week of April 2025, prior to Balikatan commencing, reports from the ground confirmed that US troops joined AFP units in “clearing operations in Sitio Singawan, Brgy Umiray in Dingalan, Aurora, and on to General Tinio in Nueva Ecija. The Armed Forces of the Philippines validated the presence of foreign troops, along with DVIDS, a news portal reporting on US forces deployed globally, regarding joint logistics operations in Dingalan, Aurora, on April 7, 2025.

Farmers were prohibited from working on their fields. During Balikatan itself, US troops were sighted by local civilians joining with AFP units in counterinsurgency patrols in the towns of Lopez, Gumaea, Macelelon, General Luna and Catanauan in Quezon province. 

US Military operations in Mindanao

On March 31, several weeks prior to the Balikatan exercises, US and Philippine marines launched Marine Exercise 2025 in Maguindanao del Norte, Mindanao. The 480 troops focused on small-unit tactics and a final “full mission profile” simulating combat conditions, according to a Philippine army statement on April 1, 2025. Activities included jungle warfare, coastal defense and amphibious operations.

IOM Update 
May 11, 2025

Red-tagging and a large-scale disinformation campaign targeting party lists under the Makabayan coalition are intensifying just hours before voting begins for the 2025 Philippine midterm elections. The on-ground teams of the International Observer Mission have confirmed multiple reports of fake news, noting a sudden surge in disinformation posts reported online and from feedback from field respondents.

On May 10, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) released an advisory refuting a fake press statement circulating online that claimed the Bayan Muna partylist is disqualified for the local and national elections. The poll body condemned the act, stating it is “a direct violation of the right of Filipinos to accurate and correct information in the election season.” It also reminded that spreading false information is considered an election offense under Section 261 of the Omnibus Election Code. 

The fake resolution, supposedly signed by COMELEC Spokesperson John Rex Laudiangco, claimed that due to Bayan Muna’s ties to the Communist Party of the Philippines – New People’s Army – National Democratic Front of the Philippines (CPP-NPA-NDF), all votes cast for the partylist are considered null and void.

The influx of red-tagging and disinformation comes despite the promulgation last February 19 of COMELEC Resolution No. 11116, which prohibits “discrimination and labeling of candidates as members of criminal or terrorist groups” without evidence. News outlets Inquirer and Rappler in separate announcements reported that Facebook pages using their names also disseminated the fake COMELEC resolution and called for the people to only follow their legitimate accounts.

The escalating attacks against Bayan Muna and other partylists under the Makabayan coalition go beyond the digital space. On May 9, an IOM team deployed in Southern Luzon came upon a makeshift coffin bearing posters vilifying the Bayan Muna, Kabataan, ACT Teachers, and Gabriela partylists and linking them to the communist insurgency. It was also emblazoned with photos of supposed slain NPA soldiers. Similar incidents were reported in the early morning of May 10 in the cities of San Jose Del Monte and Tarlac, both in Central Luzon.

On May 5, Bayan Muna’s first nominee Neri Colmenares and supporters trooped to the COMELEC head office to protest and file a complaint against the “massive and nationwide” black propaganda and vilification campaign against their partylist.

The mission delegates are continuously documenting these attacks. The Mission continues to receive reports of widespread red-tagging, vilification, and harassment of candidates and party lists, and we are obligated to include this in our report as we evaluate the freedom, honesty, and fairness of the elections.

As the Filipino people vote tomorrow, its ground teams deployed across the country will closely monitor the conduct of the elections and will continue documenting electoral and human rights violations. #

ICHRP is conducting an International Observer Mission in 2025 to monitor for elections-related human rights violations. Learn more at https://www.ichrp.net/IOM2025

Report of the International Observer Mission (IOM) for the 2025 Philippine Elections

Read the full report in PDF form here

Three issues have historically plagued elections in the Philippines: vote buying, electronic voting issues, and disenfranchisement of overseas voters. All three of these concerns were well documented in the reports of the 2022 IOM. Throughout this year’s 2025 midterm election season, these three issues have continued to impact voters’ participation in the elections on a wide scale throughout the country.

Vote Buying 

In 2022, the final recommendation of the IOM report of the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP) stated, “Vote-buying is rampant and since it is illegal, vote-buyers must be apprehended and sanctioned to minimize or eliminate this practice”. Despite being proscribed under Article 22 of the Omnibus Election Code (OEC), which defines vote buying as “giving, offering, or promising money, favors, or jobs in exchange for getting a person’s vote for the candidate or causing the person to vote against somebody else”, the practice has been and continues to plague Philippine elections.

According to an analysis conducted in 2018, “Vote buying among the poor is indeed very common, but the incidence varies depending on the vote buying type. The most prevalent form uses more benign goods such as food and clothing, but offers of money is still reported by more than a quarter of respondents. Different vote-buying types also have different correlates, including some socio-economic factors, suggesting that it is a finely targeted activity. In addition, money vote buying is predominant in tight elections, but buying votes using non-monetary offers is more common when there is a clear winner even before the election”

In 2022, the IOM in Eastern Visayas witnessed vote buying—50, 100, 500 and 1,000 peso bills with the name of the candidates written on them being handed out. Some people received several bills for different candidates. They saw a ‘volunteer’ supporting one local candidate who had a list of all the voters in one barangay, and who was passing from door to door to give money for his candidate.

As of April 25^, this year, the COMELEC reported at least 158 complaints lodged during the campaign season against election candidates for vote buying, vote selling and abuse of government funds and assets. COMELEC Chairman George Erwin Garcia told the media in a message that the poll body had issued 74 show cause orders for vote-buying and/or abuse of state resources allegations so far.

Among those issued show cause orders were Las Piñas Rep. Camille Villar, who is running for senator; Manila Mayor Honey Lacuna and her rivals Isko Moreno and Sam Versoza; Marikina mayoral bet Stella Quimbo and re-electionist Malabon Mayor Jeannie Sandoval. Another of those under show cause orders was Esmael Magundadatu, the 2010 candidate for Governor of Maguindanao, whose wife and sisters were killed along with 37 journalists in the Maguindanao Massacre, the worst act of election violence in the history of Philippine elections. A small number of candidates have had their campaigns suspended by the COMELEC because of substantiated cases of vote buying. 

The persistence of vote buying corrupts the democratic process, and at the same time, is a mirror of the power structures that exist in Philippine society. Mass poverty in the Philippines creates the foundation for vote-buying by rich and powerful elites, and high inequality has led to a well-entrenched political system whereby control of local, regional, provincial and national political positions are a means to self-enrichment and empowerment giving rise to dynasties. The persistence of feudal patron client relations all support the system of vote buying, with a majority of Philippine provinces being led by members of political dynasties. Vote buying is widely perceived as a problem, but only a fraction of those committing it are actually sanctioned by the Comelec. 

Disenfranchisement of OFWs

The disenfranchisement of overseas voters begins with the registration process. For the current 2025 poll, there are 1.24 million registered overseas voters. In 2022, despite the pandemic, about 1.7 million registered to vote and participated in the overseas absentee voting (OAV). In 2019, the last time mid-term elections were held, there were 1.82 million overseas voters registered.

The precipitous drop (31.9% since 2019) in registered voters among overseas Filipinos is a significant concern, and speaks to a process which is disenfranchising hundreds of thousands of potential overseas voters. This disenfranchisement has taken place due to difficulties in pre-enrolling online and other technical issues.

Biometrics errors are constant, especially in passport and face identification. For example, the OFWs who reach the 5-minute timeout during registration have to fill everything out over again. According to Tabs Ponciano of Malaya Movement USA, “Our OFWs are already irritated because it’s been half a day, they still haven’t registered for pre-enrollment”.

The COMELEC’s administration of the new internet overseas voting process has also raised concerns about voter suppression. Many registered voters are still unaware of the online voting system, and that there is a three-step process to voting: 1) registration; 2) pre-enrollment, even for registered voters; and 3) voting. Each step is a complex morass of verification. The COMELEC started the pre-enrollment process on March 20, just a few weeks before online voting began on April 13. This was not enough time to inform overseas Filipinos that they cannot vote if they do not pre-enroll. After considerable lobbying from overseas organizations, the COMELEC extended the deadline for the pre-registration process from May 7 to May 10.

The National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), which specializes in election technology, could not categorically express confidence in the OVCS (Overseas Voting and Counting System). “Outside of the trusted build, we were unable to see the end-to-end test of the OVCS…There was not enough visibility for us to determine what they were doing with the system, and to me, that was a problem,” said Namfrel national chairperson Lito Averia. 

Transparency was also a concern expressed by Jona Yang of the Computer Professionals Union, who stated, “Kailangan siguraduhin na may casted vote verification o in simpler terms, resibo, na makikita ng ating mga kababayan kung sino ang kabilang ibinoto, at hindi yung… code na hindi natin naiintindihan, kumbaga, mababasa lang siya ng computer“ (We need to make sure that there is a casted vote verification or in simpler terms, a receipt, so that voters can see who they voted for, and not the code that we don’t understand, that can only be read by the computer).

The complexity of the registration process has already resulted in a decade-low level of voter registration among overseas Filipinos. This, combined with the new requirements for pre-enrollment, will likely result in a voter turnout below the normally low participation rate of 40% among OFWs.  

Integrity of the Electronic Voting System

In the past, vote counting was painfully slow, and it could take days to declare a victor in many of the races. This led to widespread concerns about fraudulent counts and resulted in the recent move to vote counting machines. However, the voting machines have proven to be less reliable than manual counts. Previous elections have seen power outages, which resulted in the failure of machines, as well as missing ballots at some polling stations. Previous elections have also seen reports of election officials selling victories in some ridings suggesting that the previous voting machines (Smartmatic) themselves were open to manipulation. 

The 2022 IOM report also expressed concerns about the electronic voting system, stating, “The electronic voting system is not transparent. It is not possible to independently audit and verify the vote under the current system of voting”. These remain major concerns for the 2025 elections. The 2022 IOM recommended, “Vote Counting Machines are too unreliable and should be replaced by manual counting, with votes cast being published at the voting centers before results are transmitted to the provincial and national counting centers. The vote counting algorithm must be independently verified as accurate prior to the election. There needs to be a transparent process of verification”. 

The new process for vote counting launched in 2025 continues to be criticized for a lack of transparency by poll watchers. According to Tabs Ponciano of the Malaya Movement USA, “Marami naman tayong mga kababayan na hindi rin coders, pero ang nakikita nila, o nare-receive nila after i-submit ‘yung kanilang boto, is itong 146-page code containing ‘yung ballot content. Ito ‘yung confirmation… Hindi siya klaro. Hindi naman siya totoong confirmation of voting. Ilegible siya for most people” (There are many Filipinos who are not coders, but what they see, or receive after submitting their vote, is this 146-page code containing the ballot content. This is the confirmation… It is not clear. It is not a real confirmation of voting. It is illegible for most people.)

The several weaknesses of this system can be mitigated. The 2025 IOM supports Kontra Daya’s push for a “hybrid” method – to hold online transmission of votes, but undertake manual counting. This proposal is to ensure more transparency in the process compared to relying on automated processes both for transmission and counting. Vote Report PH has cited concerns about proprietary source codes for the vote counting machines (VCMs) that lack transparency.  The IOM 2025 believes that increasing transparency in the electoral process through measures such as manual counting of electronic votes would serve to improve confidence in the integrity of the system and would improve electoral participation. 

News Release 
May 10, 2025

With just two days before Filipinos head to the polls, the rights group led International Observer Mission (IOM) has raised alarm over a troubling surge in vote-buying and election-related violence. “We’re gravely concerned about the reported number of red-tagging, vote-buying and especially killings,” said IOM Commissioner Colleen Moore.

The IOM, consisting of commissioners and international observers, has been monitoring the situation closely since the campaign period began. They have been deployed to key election hotspots across the three major islands of the country to monitor the election landscape. Notably, several reported violations have been directly witnessed and documented by IOM observers stationed in various regions throughout the country.

It’s the second time that the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP), a rights group, is holding its IOM in the country.

“Our mission is ongoing, but what we have observed so far is deeply concerning,” said Commissioner Moore, Director of Peace with Justice at the General Board of Church and Society, the social justice agency of the United Methodist Church, based in Washington DC. “The red-tagging of candidates, widespread vote-buying, and political killings are serious violations that threaten the integrity of the electoral process and the safety of our communities.”

While the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) has acknowledged receiving at least 158 complaints related to vote-buying, the IOM’s ground teams have independently recorded 18 more vote-buying incidents in known election hotspots. 

These cases, observed by teams in the field, show payments ranging from P150 to as much as P5,000 per voter, with most violations traced to entrenched political dynasties. IOM observers have independently confirmed the widespread use of cash and goods in exchange for votes, especially in rural and high-poverty areas.

577 red-tagging cases: Candidates, supporters under attack

So far, the IOM and Vote Report PH have documented 577 cases of red-tagging, with multiple cases directly observed across all three major island groups. Victims include candidates along with their campaign staff, local organizers, and supporters. Observers report a flood of red-tagging materials: flyers, leaflets, and posters falsely linking individuals and groups to the armed insurgency are being distributed in communities and plastered on walls near campaign venues. IOM field teams noted that progressive candidates, party-list groups, poll workers, and even the COMELEC itself have become targets.

“This level of systematic red-tagging is not only a violation of human rights, it’s a coordinated effort to intimidate and discredit democratic actors,” said Commissioner Moore. “It’s an attack on the very idea of free and fair elections.”

In addition, the mission has also documented 48 cases of threats, harassment, and intimidation in areas including Northern Luzon, Southern Luzon, and Northern Mindanao. 

Political violence has escalated dramatically in recent weeks. From January 12 to April 28, the Philippine authorities recorded 62 incidents of election-related violence, 35 of which were confirmed to be politically motivated. IOM observers in the Cordillera Adminstrative Region (located in the north-central part of Luzon island), Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, and Region IV-A (located east and south of Metro Manila) noted alarming trends of armed intimidation and even killings.

Among the most disturbing cases monitored:

• April 10: Mayoral candidate Kerwin Espinosa was shot during a campaign sortie in Albuera, Leyte. He has accused the police of orchestrating the attack.
• March 26: Municipal election officer Bai Maceda Lidasan-Abo and her husband were ambushed and killed in Maguindanao del Norte.
• April 23: Rizal, Cagayan Mayor Joel Ruma was shot dead at a campaign rally.
• April 29: Veteran journalist and ex-Kalibo Mayor Johnny Dayang was gunned down in his home, sparking fears of intensifying attacks on independent media.

Even the COMELEC has not been spared. On February 20, COMELEC Chair George Garcia revealed that another government agency had red-tagged the poll body itself for issuing resolutions banning discriminatory campaign tactics. 

The IOM stressed that with two full days left before election day, the situation remains fluid and the risks are growing. The mission is actively expanding its presence on the ground and will continue to closely monitor unfolding events.

“Our work is far from over,” said Commissioner Moore. “We are committed to accompanying the Filipino people through these final, critical days and beyond to ensure that the true situation is documented and that accountability is pursued.”

The IOM will release a statement of the initial findings shortly after election day, identifying patterns of concern. A comprehensive final report containing full analysis and concrete recommendations will be made public and presented to international human rights institutions, relevant United Nations bodies, foreign embassies and parliaments, civil society, and media community.

“We know the stakes are high. But so is the determination of those committed to democracy,” says the IOM in a statement. “We will keep watching, documenting, and doing our work in support of the Filipinos in this election.”#