Report of the International Observer Mission (IOM) for the 2025 Philippine Elections

Read the full report in PDF form here

The 2025 Philippine elections are dominated by political dynasties – an oligarchy of elite families rooted in the feudal land and political structures that pervade Philippine society. These groups have historically relied heavily on patronage politics to maintain their influence. The domination of specific families at the local, provincial and national level resembles a caste system, where only the feudal ‘princes and princesses’ born into privilege can find a door to enter the political system. Powerful and wealthy Filipino families who hold positions at the national and regional level have tremendous economic power. People depend on them for their livelihood – jobs, land, and careers.

In the past, there has been some effort to diminish the power of the Philippine oligarchy, but the implementation of this legislation depends on Congress, which is dominated by the very same political dynasties. Despite a 1987 constitutional ban on dynasties, their power has only continued to grow. 

Three of the country’s 10 wealthiest multi-billionaire tycoons are behind three of the country’s five biggest political parties – Manny Villar (Nacionalista), Ramon Ang (Nationalist People’s Coalition), and Enrique Razon (National Unity Party). Their political parties accounted for one-third of the 18th Philippine Congress and are an ever-present fixture in presidential candidacies and governance. A fourth political faction is currently led by President Bongbong Marcos, who presides over the Marcos-Romualdez dynasty.

Four decades after the flight in disgrace of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., the Marcos family has rehabilitated its legacy and strengthened its hold on Philippine politics. Marcos’s son and namesake, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., is president, and his sister Imee is a first term Senator alongside their cousins in Leyte, who represent the political clan of his mother, former First Lady Imelda Marcos. This year, at least five Marcoses are running for seats in the Senate, House, and the local government in Ilocos Norte. Based on the count of the Philippine Centre for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ)’s, at least five Romualdezes are also running for various positions in Leyte.

The May 2025 elections are unlikely to bring significant change. In the current 19^th Congress, over half (142) of the District representatives seeking re-election belong to political dynasties. At least 71 of the country’s 82 provincial governments (87%) are led by members of political dynasties^[1].  Forty-seven of the 71 incumbent governors belonging to political dynasties are seeking re-election.  At the same time, 19 sitting governors who are not running for re-election have family members seeking to replace them^[2].

This dominance underscores a system where power is frequently passed down within families, raising concerns about its impact on democratic representation and political diversity. In addition to the Marcos-Romauldez clans of Ilocos Norte and Leyte there are about two dozen political dynasties seeking to occupy at least five seats each after the May 2025 elections. 

Among them are the; Singsons of Ilocos Sur; Hataman-Sallimans of Basilan; Ortegas of La Union, Dys of Isabela; Tulfos, Pacquiaos of South Cotabato and Sarangani; Dutertes of Davao City; Villar family of Las Piñas; Abaloses of Mandaluyong; Revillas and Tolentinos of Cavite; Ejercitos of Laguna and San Juan City; Khos of Masbate; Ynareses of Rizal; Khonghuns of Zambales; Duranos of Cebu; Dimaporos of Lanao Del Norte; Alonto-Adiongs of Lanao Del Sur; Ampatuans and Masturas of Maguindanao; and Tans of Sulu^[3].

To bypass legislative restrictions on terms in office, members of the same clan often substitute a relative or advance to a higher position. At least 67 outgoing district representatives have opted to switch positions with family members, ensuring their political influence remains intact.^[4] In Las Piñas City, Sen. Cynthia Villar and her daughter, Rep. Camille Villar, are swapping places, with the former sliding back to run as a congresswoman and the latter gunning for a Senate seat^[5]. The current Sen. Villar is reaching her term limit in the Senate this year.^[6]  

In the Senate, Cynthia Villiar and her son, Mark A Villar, are one of three family tandems in the Senate. The others are the siblings Alan Peter Cayetano and Pia Cayetano, half-brothers Jinggoy Ejercito and Joseph Victor G. Ejercito.  Both brothers of Senator Raffy Tulfo are running to join him in the Senate in 2025 so it could result in 4 family sets that when combined would control almost 40% of the Senate seats. 

Party-list System Hijacked by Political Dynasties

The Party list system, originally conceived in 1987 after the EDSA People Power uprising, was embedded in the Philippine constitution as a means of giving voice to marginalized and disadvantaged groups. This system has been increasingly corrupted by political dynasties. Research by the PCIJ showed that 36 of the 54 party-list groups (66%) in the current 19th Congress have at least one nominee belonging to a political family.^[7]

In the May 2025 elections, at least 78 out of the 156 party-list organizations certified by the Commission on Elections (Comelec) belong to political families.^[8] Speaker Romualdez (of the Marcos-Romualdez clan), who is seeking re-election as Leyte’s 1st District representative for the sixth time, is introducing his son Andrew to politics through the party-list system. The younger Romualdez is set to replace his mother Yedda as first nominee for the Tingog party-list group^[9]. The flawed party-list system has been criticized as a “backdoor” to the House for political dynasties and big businesses.^[10]

There has been a proliferation of regional party list groups that are led by members of political dynasties.  In the Visayas, Abag-Promdi is represented by Mariano Mimo Osmeña, son of the late Cebu Gov. Lito Osmeña^[11]. Barkadahan Para Sa Bansa party-list group is fielding a member of the notorious Durano political clan, also of Cebu province. Danao City Mayor Thomas Durano is the nephew of former Danao Mayor Ramon Durano Jr.^[12]

When it comes to local governments, at least 113 out of 149 city mayors (75%) belong to political dynasties. Out of 149 city mayors, 56 have relatives as either their vice-mayors or councilors. In the 2025 elections, a total of 80, or about 53% of all city mayors, are from dynasties seeking re-election. Meanwhile, 27 sitting city mayors are considering relatives to replace them as most of them run for other positions^[13].  

Political dynasties are inherent in a society marked by high inequality and poverty, which stem from the historical concentration of land and wealth ownership in the hands of a few. It is almost impossible to compete for political office without significant wealth, limiting successful candidates to those born in families of economic and political elites. This is true even in the local elections. According to data from IBON Foundation, the average spending per candidate for the elective positions in 2022 are as follows: President (P3 billion), Vice President (P1 billion), Senator (P350 million), Congress (P15 million), Governor (P15 million), Vice Governor (P7.5 million), Board Member (P1 million), Mayor (P3 million), Vice Mayor (P1.5 million), and Councilor (P100,000). Compare this to the average across-the-country minimum wage of P470, and it is clear that running for public office is an affair of the ruling elite.

The dynastic concentration of political power has become more pronounced over the past 20 years. By 2025, approximately 80% of provincial governors belong to “fat dynasties“^[14], up from 57% in 2004. Similarly, dynastic representation in the House of Representatives has risen to 67% from 48% in 2004, and mayoral posts held by dynasties increased to 53% from 40%. In the 2022 Senate elections, at least 12.5% (3) leading candidates had relatives already in the 24 -seat chamber. Notably, 4.5% (800 out of 18,000) positions contested had single candidates from warlord political clans against whom no one dared to contest.^[15]

There is a correlation between dynastic concentration and poverty. A 2015 study released by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) noted “Dynasties are pervasive in the 10 poorest provinces that are afflicted by low levels of human development, bad governance, violence and poor business climates,”^[16]Apart from a direct link to poverty incidence, political dynasties also tend to undermine democratic processes by weakening the checks and balances in the government and the political system. Essentially, the historic feudal and social and economic system have created a trajectory whereby the political system becomes less and less democratic with each electoral cycle. 

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^[1] https://pcij.org/2024/12/08/governors-political-dynasties-philippines-provinces-elections/

^[2] https://pcij.org/2024/12/08/governors-political-dynasties-philippines-provinces-elections/

^[3] https://pcij.org/2024/10/25/fat-political-dynasties-philippines-elections/

^[4] https://pcij.org/2024/10/26/lower-house-district-representatives-political-dynasties-reelection/

^[5] https://pcij.org/2024/10/26/lower-house-district-representatives-political-dynasties-reelection/

^[6] https://kodao.org/5-ways-philippine-dynasties-are-able-to-stay-in-power/

^[7] https://pcij.org/2024/12/04/political-dynasties-also-swarm-the-party-list-elections/

^[8] In the May 2025 elections, at least 78 out of the 156 party-list organizations certified by the Commission on Elections (Comelec) also belong to political families.

^[9] https://kodao.org/5-ways-philippine-dynasties-are-able-to-stay-in-power/

^[10] https://kodao.org/5-ways-philippine-dynasties-are-able-to-stay-in-power/

^[11] https://pcij.org/2024/12/04/political-dynasties-also-swarm-the-party-list-elections/

^[12]https://pcij.org/2024/12/04/political-dynasties-also-swarm-the-party-list-elections/

^[13] https://pcij.org/2025/01/26/113-out-of-149-philippine-cities-also-ruled-by-political-dynasties/

^[14] There are two types of political dynasties, thin and fat, according to the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism. A thin dynasty is one in which a political clan is able to manipulate one elected position over time. A fat dynasty is one in which a political clan holds multiple government positions simultaneously. According to Prof. Ronald Mendoza, “The more fat dynasties you have, the more poverty there’s likely to be.” 

^[15] After Duterte: clan politics and US influence in the Philippines, /morningstaronline.co.uk, 19 March 2025.

^[16] https://businessmirror.com.ph/2015/08/20/pervasive-political-dynasty-worsened-poverty-in-phl/

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ICHRP is conducting an International Observer Mission in 2025 to monitor for elections-related human rights violations. Learn more at https://www.ichrp.net/IOM2025

Report of the International Observer Mission (IOM) for the 2025 Philippine Elections

Read the full report in PDF form here

Red-tagging finds its way on top of the list of campaign violations for the 2025 Philippine midterm elections. A prevalent human rights violation characterized as harassment, intimidation and vilification, in the Philippines it is an act of labelling individuals and groups as members, supporters or affiliates of armed communist insurgents. Overwhelmingly, it comprises 78.7 percent of the violations monitored by election watchdog and 2025 IOM partner Vote Report PH as of April 30.

Red-tagging traces its roots in McCarthyism during the 1940s and 1950s in the United States. Under the backdrop of a Cold War against the Soviet Union, the US government engaged in a widespread witch hunt for individuals suspected of espousing left-leaning beliefs and ideologies. The Philippine state has similarly engaged in red-tagging for decades, often targeting progressive individuals, activists, human rights advocates, and anyone it perceives as critical of its policies. It has seen an unprecedented spike under the Duterte administration and continues without let up under the Marcos Jr. government.

On May 12, Filipinos will exercise their right to vote in the 2025 midterm elections. Aside from being one of the hallmarks of democracy, the election season is also the period when the Filipino population is the most politically active. It is a natural time for people and candidates to have vibrant and honest discussions about the problems faced by the Filipino people, including the hurdles that stand in the way of genuine economic progress, peace, and security, and solutions to these problems.

On February 20, 2024, the Philippine Supreme Court declared in their groundbreaking decision on Derudo v Vinoya that the practice of red-tagging is a threat to the fundamental right to “life, liberty, and security.” On February 19, 2025, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) also issued Resolution No. 11116 which says that “branding individuals, groups, or organizations as “vocal dissenters,” “activists,” or sympathizers of subversive or terrorist groups” without evidence is considered unjust labeling and could lead to penalties. Individuals red-tagged by state institutions and their agents are accused of supporting the communist insurgency and are harassed, threatened, even disappeared or killed. Despite the Supreme Court ruling, the Marcos Jr. administration has failed to take measures that would end red-tagging, including abolishing the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC). 

This government task force was formed under Duterte and has persistently carried out the practice against activists, leaders of people’s organizations, journalists and lawyers. UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression Irene Khan in her visit to the Philippines last January 2024 recommended that the NTF-ELCAC be abolished, a move supported by the Commission on Human Rights (CHR). 

But despite these legal deterrents and strong condemnation by several institutions, data from election watchdogs show that red-tagging continues unabated. Progressive electoral candidates regardless of affiliation are targeted in these elections.

The multi-faceted character of red-tagging has earned it the distinction of being an electoral violation, a human rights violation, and an international humanitarian law (IHL) violation all at the same time. Red-tagging also constitutes a war crime since civilians’ lives are endangered when they are linked to the armed movement of the Communist Party of the Philippines – New People’s Army – National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF). In some cases, red-tagging is followed by surveillance, harassment, abduction, and even outright killing. 

The massacre of the Fausto family in Negros Occidental clearly shows the dangers of red-tagging. Billy Fausto and his wife Emelda Fausto, along with their two minor children Ben and Raben were massacred inside their homes in the late night of June 14, 2023. Prior to the horrific killings, Billy Fausto and his family have been routinely red-tagged and accused of being supporters of the NPA. There were also instances when Billy was forced by the military to guide them in their nightly patrolling in the area. Billy and his spouse were merely members of a local farmers and farmworkers association.

Swaying people from casting their vote for any candidates through fear, intimidation, and disinformation campaigns is the opposite of a fair, free, clean and honest election process. Red-tagging silences those discussions by trying to discredit, through misinformation and harassment, proposals for reforms and people-centered solutions.  These discussions give substance to the right to vote by giving voters the chance to engage with and affirm candidates that have the political will to respond to the pressing problems faced by the people. 

Case Studies

Karapatan criticizes NTF-ELCAC for video red-tagging Kabataan Partylist Rep. Raoul Manuel

On February 18, 2025, human rights group Karapatan criticized the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) for releasing a video that “Red-tagged” Kabataan party list Rep. Raoul Manuel. The group was referring to a video posted on the Facebook page of the NTF-Elcac on Feb. 6, which tagged Manuel as a recruiter for the New People’s Army (NPA).

Comelec Red-tagged by Fellow Government Agency

On February 20, 2025, the Commission on Elections (Comelec) yesterday accused a fellow government agency of “red tagging” the poll body, even as it issued a new policy prohibiting discriminatory and harassment acts during the campaign period for the May elections. Comelec Chairman George Garcia said the agency, which he declined to identify, sent a letter warning the poll body against issuing the new policy.

Makabayan Candidates File Complaint Against NTF-ELCAC for Red-tagging

On April 22, 2025, leaders and candidates from the Makabayan coalition filed an election offense complaint in the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) against the NTF-ELCAC Executive Director Ernesto Torres Jr. for a series of red-tagging and defamatory statements against the coalition’s candidates during the campaign period. They said Torres Jr. violated COMELEC Resolution No. 11116 which prohibits “labeling” of individuals or organizations as terrorists, dissenters, and criminals without evidence.

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ICHRP is conducting an International Observer Mission in 2025 to monitor for elections-related human rights violations. Learn more at https://www.ichrp.net/IOM2025

The International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP) will be monitoring this year’s elections in the Philippines! Here are some quick facts about our International Observer Mission 2025 (IOM).

You can also find out more at https://ichrp.net/IOMFactSheet.

What is the IOM?

The International Observer Mission (IOM) is a people-led, independent election observation initiative rooted in international solidarity. It is organized by the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP), a global network composed of faith-based groups, trade unions, lawyers, parliamentarians, academics, and human rights defenders across the globe.

The mission responds to the call for impartial, international scrutiny of the Philippine electoral process, amid persistent reports of state-sponsored violence, fraud, and foreign military interference. The IOM centers on disenfranchised Filipino communities, particularly in rural and militarized areas.

History and Context

Last 2021, Commissioners of the Independent International Investigation into Human Rights Violations in the Philippines (INVESTIGATE PH) in their 2nd and 3rd reports recommended that an independent international election observer mission be conducted to maintain the integrity of the May 2022 presidential elections. ICHRP responded by launching the IOM in 2022.

The IOM concluded that the 2022 Philippine elections failed to meet the international standard of a free, honest, and fair election.

The elections were marred by a failure of the electronic voting system, along with a high level of blatant vote-buying, widespread cases of red-tagging and documented cases of deadly violence. The report highlighted incidents of election-related violence, intimidation, harassment, and manipulation during the electoral process, which compromised the integrity of the elections and impeded citizens’ ability to participate freely.

Why Observe the 2025 Philippine Elections?

The 2025 elections unfold against a backdrop of:

• Escalating political rivalries between powerful dynastic blocs
• Rising electoral violence and militarization
• Widespread human rights violations, particularly in rural areas

What the IOM Will Monitor

• Election-related violence, intimidation, fraud, red-tagging, and vote-buying
• Disinformation and manipulation in both mainstream and digital platforms
• Violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL), especially in communities affected by armed conflict and militarization
• Violations of Human Rights (HR), especially against rural and indigenous peoples

Meet the Commissioners

• Lee Rhiannon (Australia) – former Australian Senator
• Rev. Michael Blair (Canada) – General Secretary, United Church of Canada
• Sylvain Goldstein (France) – Asia Pacific Director, General Confederation of Labour in France (CGT)
• Colleen Moore (USA) – Director of Peace With Justice at the General Board of Church and Society
• Xavier Cutillas (Catalonia) – President, Catalan Association for Peace (ACP)

Methodology

The 2025 IOM will run from late April to mid-May, covering the May 12 election day, and has started to collect data and reports during the campaign period.

• International delegates from different countries will be deployed across Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao, focusing on areas with documented histories of electoral violence
• IOM team will conduct field interviews with voters, poll watchers, campaigners, local officials, civil society and people’s organizations, candidates, campaigners, government authorities, politicians, media, and churches.
• Delegates will document and triangulate data on HR and IHL violations, in coordination with local watchdogs like Kontra Daya and Vote Report PH.
• Remote observation teams will monitor Overseas Absentee Voting (OAV), digital disinformation, and voting irregularities abroad.

All findings will be:

• Validated and consolidated by a central research team
• Cross-referenced with media reports and independent sources

The research team is composed of volunteer researchers and Commissioners with long-standing records in monitoring elections, democratic governance, humanitarian work, and peace-building.

Final Report and Public Release

Preliminary findings will be released shortly after election day. A comprehensive final report, containing analysis and recommendations, will be released publicly and presented to:

• International human rights institutions
• Relevant United Nations bodies
• Foreign embassies and parliaments
• Civil society and media partners

Balikatan exercises escalate proxy war during midterm elections

Statement
April 28, 2025

While Filipinos prepare to head to the polls for the 2025 midterm elections, the Philippine government has allowed 16,000 US, Japanese, and Australian troops to hold the largest-ever Balikatan (shoulder-to-shoulder) military exercises. The US-led exercises, in which armed forces from 19 countries are involved, are a blatant show of force by the United States in Philippine territory.

ICHRP is gravely concerned over the threat this year’s Balikatan exercises pose to the freedom and sovereignty of the 2025 elections. 

Yet the Marcos administration remains focused on China as the main threat to election interference. On April 25, 2025, the Marcos coalition, Alyansa Para sa Bagong Pilipinas, accused China of meddling in the elections. Sen. Francis Tolentino presented a 930,000 php check allegedly linking the Chinese Embassy to a local marketing firm to operate “keyboard warriors.” 

In an interview with ANC, National Security Council Assistant Director General Malaya suggested that social media influencers and electoral candidates criticizing the Balikatan exercises are acting as local proxies of China. Malaya stated, “you will see narratives coming from Beijing that the Balikatan exercises are a threat to regional peace and stability, and you will also see that coming from local proxies.” 

While decrying supposed Chinese online influence, they turn a blind eye to thousands of heavily armed US troops on Philippine soil during election season. In fact, by fear-mongering and promoting a “national security emergency,” the Marcos administration seeks to stampede voters into supporting their chosen candidates who will further facilitate and justify the US pivot to Asia and military build up against China. This is political manipulation at gunpoint: democracy under siege.

Filipinos now face an election under the shadow of foreign soldiers, live-fire drills, and a full scale battle simulation as part of escalating US war preparations against China. The exercises heighten fear of external threats (China) to justify their presence and skew voters’ perception towards pro-US candidates like Marcos’s Alyansa Para sa Bagong Pilipinas slate.

Meanwhile, US anti-ship missiles (NMESIS) are deployed in Batanes, directly pointing toward Taiwan. Balikatan joint exercises involve island seizure operations, cyber warfare training, and maritime blockade rehearsals — not humanitarian defense, but full-spectrum war scenarios. In Quezon, US soldiers have even been seen in civilian communities conducting “civil-military operations,” blurring the line between military and civilian spaces.

While the Marcos administration is presenting Balikatan as “defensive” and “for Philippine security,” communities in Northern Luzon, Palawan, and Mindanao are impacted by further militarization as US EDCA military bases operate. Fisherfolk are banned from their own fishing grounds while US warships dominate the seas.

ICHRP Chairperson, Peter Murphy, stated, “The government and military have unleashed an aggressive, full-spectrum PR blitz to push anti-China narratives – saturating media, social media, and public discourse until these claims are treated as ‘facts’ beyond question. Through relentless repetition, they are manufacturing consent for heightened militarization and foreign intervention, drowning out any critical voices or calls for an independent, truly Filipino foreign policy. As an alternative, ICHRP calls for complete demilitarization of the South China Sea and diplomatic resolution of territorial claims.”

“Elections must be free from fear, free from foreign soldiers, and free from proxy war manipulations” continued Murphy. 

ICHRP demands an immediate halt to Balikatan and all foreign military exercises this election and beyond. We support the call of Filipinos for a truly independent Philippine foreign policy, not one dictated by Washington or any other foreign power.

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